A message from the «Department of Foreign Relations of the Democratic Front» to political parties and global community frameworks

May 21, 2025

Although the actions and positions of European states regarding the genocide have come too late, we still welcome every positive step.
In theory, and with few exceptions, nearly all countries around the world reject the genocide being carried out by the Israeli army in the Gaza Strip. This rejection stems from the collapse of Netanyahu’s and his fascist government’s justifications for continuing the war. The Israeli narrative presented during the early days of the aggression has failed to convince international public opinion, which is increasingly convinced that the scale of the genocide has reached an unacceptable level. Global media outlets are broadcasting live images of attacks on civilian infrastructure, including homes, shelters for displaced people, hospitals, and press and media offices.
However, some Western states, especially European ones, either continue to support the war despite it violating international law and their agreements with the European Union, even though the humanitarian suffering has become too great for any sense of humanity to bear, with the majority of casualties being women and children, or they are paralyzed by American and Israeli pressure. This is despite the fact that these same states have shown courage in opposing the U.S. on other global issues, such as Ukraine. The difference, however, is that one side of this conflict is Israel.
Is Europe being politically hypocritical when it criticizes Israel for continuing the war and for using starvation as a weapon? Is it being dishonest when it condemns the targeting of civilians in their homes and shelters but does nothing beyond issuing statements? There are many examples of this:
– French President Emmanuel Macron was among the most “bold” when he said the European Union must respond to the unacceptable situation in Gaza, stating that he is working on a ceasefire and bringing aid into the Strip and calling for a permanent end to hostilities and the release of all hostages. (This came despite more than a year and a half having passed since the genocide began.) Aware of the double standards, he added, “We must have a humanitarian and political response regarding Gaza so that we are not accused of double standards compared to our stance on Ukraine.”
– The foreign ministers of three key EU countries—Germany, France, and the UK—called on Israel to immediately allow the unrestricted entry of humanitarian aid into Gaza, stressing that Tel Aviv›s commitment to international law requires ensuring that supplies reach civilians in the besieged Strip. They described Israel’s prevention of aid delivery as “unacceptable,” particularly in light of previous successful deliveries during temporary ceasefires by the UN and humanitarian organizations. (Yet the result was that Israel continued to block aid, and famine became a reality in Gaza.)
– EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas stated that most European countries agree that the situation in Gaza is unsustainable and deteriorating rapidly. She noted that EU states are finalizing the establishment of a court to rule on war crimes and crimes of aggression. (Meanwhile, some European countries have explicitly declared they will not cooperate with international courts in enforcing rulings issued against Israeli officials accused of war crimes.)
– UN Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories Francesca Albanese was the most direct in accusing senior EU officials, including former European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, of complicity in war crimes due to their support for Israel. This accusation also applies literally to a wide range of EU officials.
There is overwhelming evidence that the European Union had many options in dealing with the genocide in Gaza yet chose silence—a silence that amounts to complicity—especially given that military, intelligence, and security cooperation between some European countries and Israel has continued uninterrupted. What proves that Europe could have acted decisively, if it wanted to, is the statement made by Israel’s Foreign Minister in mid-May. He said, verbatim: “The entry of a small number of aid trucks into Gaza came under European and American pressure and the threat of sanctions. Several foreign ministers spoke with us about allowing aid into Gaza.” (Only 9 trucks were allowed in.)
It is now globally acknowledged that no international entity has ever defied the world and its political, judicial, legal, and humanitarian systems the way Israel has during its war on Gaza. Moreover, the killings and massacres are increasing month after month, claiming thousands of lives, in addition to using starvation and thirst as additional weapons. Those who survive the airstrikes and shelling die from hunger or stand helplessly watching their children and families die in groups.
Europe could have adopted a neutral or even minimally balanced position toward the Israeli aggression on Gaza, especially since its stated commitment to democracy and international law demands that it stand with the Palestinian people and their right to life, freedom, and self-determination free from occupation, colonialism, and subjugation. For example, Europe could have—and still can—take the following actions:
First, halt arms exports to Israel. According to European institutions, financial entities in Europe have provided over 45 billion euros in loans and investments, including 26 billion euros in shares and bonds in companies that sell weapons to Israel—arms used to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity. Some countries have even increased arms exports to Israel during its war on Gaza.
Second, suspend or review the EU–Israel partnership agreement. Some countries, including the Netherlands and France, have recently called for a comprehensive review of the Euro–Israeli partnership agreement, which forms the legal and commercial framework for relations between the two sides. This call was made in response to Israel’s violations of international humanitarian law, particularly its ongoing blockade of Gaza.
Third, while engagement with international institutions and courts is a sovereign matter for each individual state, the European Union, as a collective framework, is capable of unifying its position regarding the arrest warrants issued by the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court. At the very least, it can call on some states not to receive Israeli officials implicated in these warrants and to ban their planes from passing through their airspace.
Fourth, Europe must take a serious stance against settlers and their leaders in the West Bank, due to the criminal acts committed against Palestinian civilians. Although thousands of documented cases exist across EU countries identifying settler organizations involved in crimes and preparing to commit others, the only action taken by EU states has been to classify these as individual offenses warranting minor sanctions against individuals, rather than holding government officials, military leaders, or security commanders accountable.
Fifth, Europe must protect and defend UNRWA in the face of efforts to dismantle it by the Israeli-American alliance. UNRWA is a UN agency operating under a direct mandate from the UN General Assembly. Any attack on it should be considered an attack on the United Nations and the entire international system.
It does not take much effort to realize that the words of European officials criticizing Israel and its actions lie in one valley, while their actions on the ground lie in another. Europe, deeply entrenched in the Ukraine war, has turned its back on the Palestinian cause and has generally reduced its interest in the region. Instead, it has focused on tightening the blockade on Moscow and searching for solutions to its own economic crises caused by the Ukraine war.
Europe is called upon to wake up. It is no longer enough to shed tears for the children of Gaza who have been torn apart by Israel’s missiles of hatred. Nor are calls to open border crossings for a few fuel or food aid trucks sufficient, while the people of Gaza continue to die a slow death. What is needed is a historic stance consistent with the values that Europe claims to defend—values of international law, justice, freedom, and human rights—all of which lie buried beneath the rubble of Gaza’s destroyed homes.
Europe’s disgrace in its negative handling of the Palestinian issue in general and the war crimes in Gaza in particular will not be erased by one humanitarian appeal or a symbolic statement. What the Palestinian people need are real solutions to all that the people of Gaza are suffering from. If Europe truly believes in democracy and human rights, and that international law exists to protect peoples, then it must be more courageous in defending those very values.
We in the Department of Foreign Relations of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, while recognizing that ideological, colonial, historical, and economic interests—some of them extreme right-wing and fascist—drive the policies of many ruling parties and institutions in European countries, always place our hope in the people’s movements. We rely on them to continue mobilizing, diversifying the forms of protest, and rejecting their governments’ positions in dealing with Israel and its crimes against the Palestinian people.
Nevertheless, and regardless of the policies of some European countries and their support for Israeli fascism, our people will look positively upon every step that may help halt the genocide, and every position that restores dignity to the martyrs, the wounded, and the displaced whose homes were destroyed